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Insight Turkey 2017​ ​-​ ​Spring 2017 (Vol. 19, No.2)

Insight Turkey 2017​ ​-​ ​Spring 2017 (Vol. 19, No.2)

Ak Party 15 Years in Power

  • Author: N.A
  • Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
  • ISBN: N.A
  • Category: Political Science
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The Spring 2017 issue of Insight Turkey aims at analyzing some of the most debated issues during the 15 years rule of the AK Party. Foreign and domestics policies, political economy, Turkey-EU relations and the Kurdish issue are among the topics discussed in this issue.

Insight Turkey 2017​ ​- Summer 2017 (Vol. 19, No.4)

Insight Turkey 2017​ ​- Summer 2017 (Vol. 19, No.4)

Reclaiming the Region: Russia, the West and the Middle East

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  • Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
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  • Category: Political Science
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“Reclaiming the Region: Russia, the West and the Middle East” – The Latest Issue of Insight Turkey Is Published In its last issue of 2017, Insight Turkey discusses Russia who has a strong say in many fields and how it steers international politics. This special issue of Insight Turkey aims to discuss the continuities and changes in Russia’s foreign policy priorities and strategies since the end of the Cold War. Richard Sakwa, Igor Torbakov, Emre Erşen and Nikolay Kozhanov analyze some of the most current events. More specifically they address Russia’s relations with the Trump administration, Europe, Turkey and Iran respectively. Additionally, Yury Barmin and Muhammet Koçak on their papers deal with some crucial topics such as Russia’s oil policies and the security narratives on Islam in Russia. Three off-topic commentaries and one off-topic article finish off the dossier for this issue. Tun Khin in his commentary assesses the genocide taking place in Burma. The commentary of Othman Ali focuses on another important topic: the conflict in Kirkuk, which is under the rule of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG). Arguing on the importance that Kirkuk maintains for Turkey, Ali gives suggestions on the options Turkey has and how this matter could be resolved. Venezuela crisis, another important crisis of the last month, is brought to the readers through the commentary of Oliver Stuenkel. Lastly, Beril Dedeoğlu and Tolga Bilener portray the integration process between India and ASEAN. “Reclaiming the Region: Russia, the West and the Middle East,” is the last issue for 2017, which has been a very successful year for Insight Turkey. As with the previous issues, we trust that our readers will find this issue informative and constructive!

Insight Turkey 2018​ ​- Spring 2018 (Vol. 20, No.2)

Insight Turkey 2018​ ​- Spring 2018 (Vol. 20, No.2)

The Gulf on The Verge

  • Author: N.A
  • Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
  • ISBN: N.A
  • Category: Political Science
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The Gulf is a sub-region consisting of Saudi Arabia and five small states, namely Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain. This sub-region emerged after the British recognized the independence of the above-mentioned small entities between 1961 and 1971. Having an abundant amount of natural resources, i.e. oil and natural gas, the Gulf States are among the richest countries in the world; therefore, they do not share the poverty and political instability widely found in the Middle East. The Gulf is a sub-region consisting of Saudi Arabia and five small states, namely Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain. This sub-region emerged after the British recognized the independence of the above-mentioned small entities between 1961 and 1971. Having an abundant amount of natural resources, i.e. oil and natural gas, the Gulf States are among the richest countries in the world; therefore, they do not share the poverty and political instability widely found in the Middle East. The sub-region was institutionalized with the establishment of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in 1981 as a result of three important regional developments –the Iranian Islamic Revolution in 1979, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, and the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq war in 1980. The GCC was mainly designed as a security institution to counter regional threats emanating from the other side of the Persian Gulf, namely Iran. However, after the invasion of Kuwait, by Saddam’s Iraq, the Gulf States became alarmed and asked the United States to protect their political independence against all regional threats. After the collapse of the Cold War, the Gulf States initiated a process of regional integration and significant steps were taken to achieve a monetary and economic union. At the end of the first decade of the 21st century, the Gulf States decided to introduce “al-khaleeji” as the common currency. However, this promising process was halted with the eruption of the Arab uprisings and revolutions. The Arab uprisings have imposed the greatest threat to the unity of the Gulf. For the first time in their history, the Gulf States began to be challenged politically from not only external threats but also internal dynamics. The process of sweeping changes throughout the Middle East instigated great concern in the Gulf, the most pro-status quo states in the region. During the first two years, 2011-2013, the Gulf States tried to follow a defensive policy against the powers of change. They strived to keep the wave of uprisings away from the Gulf. After they had overcome their shock and confusion, they began to take initiatives to intervene into the regional crises. Some of the Gulf countries, especially Saudi Arabia and the UAE, organized a military coup against the region’s first and only democratically elected government of Muhammad Morsi, placing Egypt in an economically and politically vulnerable position. Furthermore, these two countries interfered into the domestic affairs of other regional states in crisis such as Libya, Yemen and Lebanon. They succeeded in turning the “Arab Spring” into an “Arab Winter” by eliminating, de-legitimizing and weakening the carriers of reform, the Muslim Brotherhood and its affiliates, throughout the Arab world. Thus, indirectly they suppressed the moderate non-state actors in favor of radical actors and terrorist groups such as ISIS and al-Qaeda. Saudi Arabia and the UAE went further and tried to redesign the region through their ambitious regional policies. Encouraged by the United States and Israel, they gained the support from countries that are dependent on their petro-dollars such as Bahrain, Egypt and Jordan. These two states attempted to lead both the Arab and Muslim worlds; and therefore, mobilized their only asset, billions of petro-dollars, to buy influence in the region. In order to be able to lead the Arab world, Saudi Arabia and the UAE had to delegitimize the Muslim Brotherhood and affiliated groups and political parties –the main carriers of popular demonstrations throughout the Arab world. Therefore, they declared all these political groups and social movements as “terrorist organizations.” They even attempted to ostracize those regional countries, i.e. Turkey and Qatar that support these popular movements, while at the same time forcing other countries to support their regional policies. The first target was Qatar; the Arab state most open to liberal values and diversity. In 2014, Saudi Arabia and the UAE forced Qatar to cut its relations with regional non-state actors such as the Brotherhood and Hamas, but the Obama Administration did not allow Riyadh and Abu Dhabi to instigate a crisis. However, after Trump came to power, these two states reintroduced the crisis and imposed their blockade against Qatar. Nevertheless, with the strong support of Turkey and Iran, two significant regional powers, the policy of Saudi Arabia and the UAE has failed. As a result, Riyadh and Abu Dhabi have shattered the unity of not only the Arabs but also that of the Gulf. While Oman maintained its neutral position, by following an active neutrality policy and playing a mediating role, Kuwait tried to prevent the breakup of the Gulf region. Although it has not declared so publicly, Kuwait rejects the regional design attempts by the Saudi and Emirati governments. To lead the Muslim world, Saudi Arabia led the foundation of the so-called “Islamic Military Alliance” comprising of more than 50 nations. However, it became clear in a short time period that this attempt was not a real Islamic alliance to bring stability to the region, but a measure to fortify a Sunni bloc against Iranian regional expansionism. That is, Saudi Arabia tried to utilize the Sunni Islamic understanding for its regional policies. It is not difficult to claim that Saudi Arabia and the UAE will not be able to realize this project. The possibility of ending up with the disillusionment of the Arab and Muslim streets and alienation of some Sunni countries is quite high. Overall the project, which has been executed with the support of the U.S. and Israel, is an attempt to deepen the sectarian strife between Shias and Sunnis and it will not bring political stability or peace to the region. In conclusion, in order to protect themselves against regional threats and to establish a balance of power against other regional powers, the small Gulf States must form military alliances and political institutions with other regional countries. First, they need to maintain the unity of the Gulf. Second, Riyadh and Abu Dhabi should encourage other regional actors to contribute to the regional stability. Saudi Arabia and the UAE have to end the Qatari crisis, a lose-lose crisis manufactured by these two states, since it is undermining the sub-region’s security and economic outlook. Third, the Gulf States must keep the sub-region as the island of political and economic stability in the chaotic Middle East and contribute to the gradual and peaceful reconstruction of the region. To achieve this objective, the Gulf States must stop using conflicting political discourses. Considering all these important developments, the Gulf region has attracted a lot of attention among the scholars and Insight Turkey, through this special issue, aims to cover some of the main topics such as the Qatari crisis, the rise of sectarianism, the foreign policies of the pro-status quo countries and the relations of these states with Turkey. The situation in the Gulf region gets more complicated as time passes and the division between blocks has started to become deeper. Ufuk Ulutaş and Burhanettin Duran provide a comprehensive analysis of all of the actors, including here global and regional ones, which are currently included in the Gulf affairs. Without any doubt, the Qatari crisis has played a decisive role in manifesting the existing regional rifts. In the light of this, Kristian Coates Ulrichsen and Marwan Kabalan focus on this crisis, which started with the blockade of Qatar by the so-called Quartet, i.e. Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain and Egypt. With a special focus on the Gulf and U.S. policies respectively, both of the authors provide valuable insights regarding the crisis and the future of the Gulf. The main division in the region comes as a result of the rise of sectarianism, which has transformed into local sectarian and regional geopolitical confrontations among some Gulf States –mainly Saudi Arabia and the UAE– and Iran. Emad Kaddorah, in his commentary, argues that the regional conflict over the Gulf region is geo-sectarian, meaning that it is a geopolitical contest, which has recently been engulfed by a sectarian dimension. Saudi Arabia remains one of the main actors in the region and it deserves special attention. The articles of Simon Mabon and May Darwich help to better understand the domestic and foreign policies of Saudi Arabia. Mabon looks at the actions of the new crown prince to explore the impact of Bin Salman’s influence on both the Kingdom and the Middle East more broadly. On the other hand, Darwich analyzes the Saudi intervention in Yemen, a war that many have started to consider as “Saudis Vietnam war.” More specifically, May Darwich offers an alternative explanation for the abrupt Saudi aggressiveness toward Yemen and argues that this intervention is driven by the Saudi leadership aims to assert the Kingdom’s status as a regional power in the Middle East. Despite Saudi Arabia, the UAE is another important actor in the region, whose impact is underestimated. By focusing on the military bases built by the UAE in the Horn of Africa, İsmail Numan Telci and Tuba Öztürk Horoz provide an explanation on the real motivations behind the Emirati foreign policies which have started to focus more on hard power, a deviation from the perpetual foreign policies of the other Gulf States. Amidst the shattering order of the Gulf, Turkey has pursued a careful and balancing policy, finding itself sided neither with the Saudi-led block, nor with the Iranian-led block. At this point it is important to understand the background of the Turkey-GCC states relations and Özden Zeynep Oktav in her article brings a detailed analysis of the root causes that led to the policy divergences between Turkey, and some GCC states, i.e. Saudi Arabia and the UAE. This special issue of Insight Turkey includes five off-topic pieces, which indeed are closely related with the Gulf affairs. In his commentary, M. Akif Kireçci, focuses on the initiatives undertaken by Turkey after Trump declared Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and how the divided Gulf States left aside their disparities to protect the rights of Palestinians against this fallacious decision. The article of Osama Anter Hamdi complements Kireçci’s commentary, as the author provides a comprehensive analysis of the American foreign policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict since the establishment of the Israeli state. Iran, of course, deserves special attention as the foreign policies of the Gulf States are mostly designed to balance the Iranian influence in the region. The three remaining articles of the issue deal with U.S. Iranian relations, the nuclear deal and how Iran and Turkey serve as a model of emulation for other states in the region. Written by İmran Demir, Farhad Rezaei, and Ibrahim Khatib and As’ad Ghanem, respectively, these three articles are worth reading in order to better understand the Iranian policies. “The Gulf on the Verge: Ambitions, Crises and Shattering Order,” provides timely analyses for a region that once again has become the linchpin of global affairs. We are confident that this issue of Insight Turkey will be a great contribution to the Gulf studies.

​Insight Turkey ​- Winter 2018 (Vol. 20, No. 3): Fault Lines in The European Union

​Insight Turkey ​- Winter 2018 (Vol. 20, No. 3): Fault Lines in The European Union

  • Author: N.A
  • Publisher: SET Vakfı İktisadi İşletmesi
  • ISBN: N.A
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The European Union is a success story. It brought enemy countries together, combined their powers, fostered economic and social development, successfully competed with the American market and also resisted against the Soviet expansionism. As the most developed supranational international organization in modern history, the EU maintained Europe at the center of world politics. With the end of the Cold War, the member states attempted to transform the organization from an economic institution into a political and military structure having the ultimate goal to create a federal state-like institution. However, after unexpected changes in the global system and the emergence of new political actors, the EU began to experience many difficulties. As a result, today the EU is in a political deadlock and it seems that the continental unity achieved by the EU has begun to shatter. The reasons behind this are several. First of all, increasing illiberalism and authoritarianism in the West began to threaten the main liberal values that provide the expedient environment for social development and also for peaceful coexistence. The increase of xenophobia, racism, fascism, ultra-nationalism, and anti-Islamism uncovered the illiberal European traditions. As a result we now witness a division not only between Europeans and non-Europeans, but also between Europeans themselves. Namely, there are many fault lines, which divide and alienate the European countries from one another. For instance, there is an increasing friction between relatively robust economies of the north and volatile economies of the south. Second, the member states of the EU have lost their common other/enemy. Throughout the Cold War most European countries stood behind the U.S. in order to struggle against all global and regional threats such as the spread of communism and the expansionism of the Soviet Union. However, today European countries have different national priorities. For instance, while some European countries have begun to spend more in their defense budget, others refuse to increase their defense allocation and continue to prioritize economic development. A similar division can be seen in terms of the stance towards Russia. Third, the future of the EU is closely associated with the future of NATO. Maintaining the unity in military and security issues requires cooperation in other sectors, especially in the economy. Many European countries are not happy with what the U.S. does regarding NATO. The Trump Administration has been following a nationalist, unilateral and therefore conflictual economic policy towards Europe. Considering the European trade surplus with the U.S, Trump declared Europe “as bad as China.” These developments have further deepened the gap between the EU and the U.S. Fourth, the EU institutionalization was at its peak after the collapse of the Cold War system and the EU enlargement towards Eastern Europe. Nevertheless, it faced important challenges stemming from new topics such as defense and foreign policy, and the accession of possible new members. Following the accession of Eastern European states, the gap between the most advanced members and relatively less developed states widened. Consequently, the EU lost its attractiveness for many European states and the British, who did not want to share the burden of other member states, decided to leave the EU. This was the first step towards disintegration of the EU and this backward tendency will most probably continue. Fifth, due to increasing shallowness and mediocrity, European politics has lost its visionary outlook and strategic depth. The new generation of European politicians on the whole lack the visionary outlook of the previous generations. They are trapped in conjuncture and populist policies with short-term concerns or gains. That is, they just try to save the day. This new political elite in Europe does not believe in EU values such as pluralism and the win-win strategy. Some EU members are reluctant to share the burden of other members. Southern tier EU countries have been experiencing economic problems and struggling against the influx of refugees, but the northern tier countries are relatively free of these problems and do not want to import these issues into their domestic politics. Last but not least, European countries have been otherizing migrants and foreigners. In this context Turkey has been considered as the main ‘other’ for many years. It seems that when it comes to Turkey, the EU institutions and member countries freeze most of their differences and problems, and prioritize Turkey’s domestic and foreign developments. The new generation of politicians welcomes the increase of ultra-nationalism, fascism, racism, xenophobia, anti-Islamism and anti-Turkism. Even mainstream politicians have begun to normalize this tendency and as such the animosity against Islam and Turkey is becoming widespread all over Europe. With these in mind, this new issue of Insight Turkey aims at providing a general framework regarding some of the most important issues that have a direct impact on the future of the EU, including here: German hegemony after Brexit, cyber security, EU relations with Turkey and the U.S. and the rise of the radical right. Simon Bulmer’s commentary focuses on the sources of German hegemony within the EU after Brexit to later suggest two possible scenarios, namely the Franco-German partnership’s revival or a form of German hegemony. André Barrinha, in his commentary, touches upon a very interesting topic that has gained a lot of importance lately. Cyber security has emerged as the focus of many western organizations, especially for the EU as they perceive Russia as a direct threat in cyberspace. In this context, Barrinha analyzes the response of the EU to the Russian threat and its effectiveness. Trump’s arrival has created a lot of chaos in the world and we witness the decomposition of liberal values every day. In such an environment, U.S.-EU alliance is facing many difficulties and the cracks are becoming more visible. Kılıç Buğra Kanat has presented a brief analysis on the transatlantic relations and contends that unpredictability is now considered the defining characteristic of the U.S. attitude toward Europe. Remaining within the context of the transatlantic relations, Şafak Oğuz’s article focuses on the missile defense system of NATO, entitled the EPAA and argues that it is one of the key regional missile defense projects for the U.S., which claims to protect Europe from the Iranian ballistic missile threat but actually is designed to protect the American homeland, and targets Russian Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles with nuclear warheads. The standoff in the Turkey-EU relations has been present for some years now. By focusing on the topic of the customs union, Ciğdem Nas and Serdar Altay, present a brief analysis and suggestions for a possible new agreement between Turkey and the EU. In her commentary, Çiğdem Nas, contends that the upgrade of the customs union could bring a breath of fresh air to Turkey-EU relations and reignite the process of Turkey’s gradual integration into the EU. While arguing on the necessity of the upgrade of the customs union, Altay states that since membership is no longer an option, the sole contractual framework that will bind Turkey and the EU for the foreseeable future will be an upgraded customs union. As mentioned above, the rise of the far right constitutes a serious threat to European unity and as a result, to the EU itself. In the light of this, Aristotle Kallis addresses the EU’s policies toward the rising far right and argues that the EU needs to take into consideration the causes of citizen resentment without adopting the language and logic of the right wing populists. The article of Sertan Akbaba provides a more detailed analysis of the now dominant discourses in Europe used by the leaders of the far right parties, mainly in Netherlands, Finland, Italy and Hungary. The main targets of these populist discourses have been the Muslim people living in the European countries, for this reason in this issue we bring to our readers two compelling perspectives. On the one hand, Pamela Irving Jackson and Pete Doerschler provide qualitative and quantitative evidence of European identification by Muslims in France, Austria and the Netherlands as a response to the far right political mobilization. On the other hand, Enes Bayraklı, Farid Hafez and Léonard Faytre evaluate how the governments in Austria, France and Germany have tried to assimilate the Muslims living in these states via specific laws and institutions. According to them, the underlying message of these policies is the fact that European states consider the Muslims a security threat to the state and society. The weakening and defeat of ISIS will ironically have a negative impact on European security. This is what Kyle Orton has argued in his article. After providing a detailed analysis of the terrorist organization PKK and its offshoots, Orton explains how the foreign fighters that fought in Syria against ISIS are now going back in their homelands, mainly Europe, becoming a serious threat to its security. Hakan Samur in his article evaluates the stance of the Kurdish people living in Turkey towards Turkey’s membership of the EU. Based on the research field that the author has conducted, Samur concludes by saying that while the Kurds are somewhat distrustful and skeptical toward the EU, they continue to support EU membership. The Balkans is one of the most important regions within Europe and it has a direct impact on European security, economy and policies. However, for a long time people living in this region have fought each other. In response to this, Mirsad Kriještorac, in optimistic tones, argues that in order to move past the enmity that has characterized the Balkans, it is necessary to display the region’s religious and ethnic diversity as an inherent quality, and a building block of cooperation and progress. Lastly, this issue of Insight Turkey brings an analysis of the June 24 elections in Turkey from the pen of Fahrettin Altun. After approximately one year since the Turkish people approved the transition to the presidential system in the April 16 referendum, in a consolidated majority Recep Tayyip Erdoğan became the first president of the new Turkey. For those interested in Turkish politics, Altun’s commentary provides a general background to the new presidential system, the electoral campaign of the parties that participated in the elections and the impact that the results of these elections will have on Turkish politics. In conclusion, internal and external threats have weakened the EU and its political discourse of pluralism and peaceful coexistence. Furthermore, continental and global conjunctures are also at work against the principles of the EU. For this reason, it is possible that one questions the effectiveness and future of the EU. We are confident that this issue of Insight Turkey provides in depth information on important issues that are directly related to the EU and should be read carefully by anyone interested in the EU policies and its future.

The Possibility and Limit of Liberal Middle Power Policies

The Possibility and Limit of Liberal Middle Power Policies

Turkish Foreign Policy toward the Middle East during the AKP Period (2005–2011)

  • Author: Kohei Imai
  • Publisher: Lexington Books
  • ISBN: 1498524923
  • Category: Political Science
  • Page: 249
  • View: 7560
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This book examines the change of Turkish state identity in relation to foreign policy behaviors after the end of the Cold War. The author explores why and how Turkey has constructed middle power identity in order to illuminate the change in post-Cold War Turkish state identity.

Eine kurze Geschichte der Menschheit

Eine kurze Geschichte der Menschheit

  • Author: Yuval Noah Harari
  • Publisher: DVA
  • ISBN: 364110498X
  • Category: History
  • Page: 528
  • View: 6287
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Krone der Schöpfung? Vor 100 000 Jahren war der Homo sapiens noch ein unbedeutendes Tier, das unauffällig in einem abgelegenen Winkel des afrikanischen Kontinents lebte. Unsere Vorfahren teilten sich den Planeten mit mindestens fünf weiteren menschlichen Spezies, und die Rolle, die sie im Ökosystem spielten, war nicht größer als die von Gorillas, Libellen oder Quallen. Vor 70 000 Jahren dann vollzog sich ein mysteriöser und rascher Wandel mit dem Homo sapiens, und es war vor allem die Beschaffenheit seines Gehirns, die ihn zum Herren des Planeten und zum Schrecken des Ökosystems werden ließ. Bis heute hat sich diese Vorherrschaft stetig zugespitzt: Der Mensch hat die Fähigkeit zu schöpferischem und zu zerstörerischem Handeln wie kein anderes Lebewesen. Anschaulich, unterhaltsam und stellenweise hochkomisch zeichnet Yuval Harari die Geschichte des Menschen nach und zeigt alle großen, aber auch alle ambivalenten Momente unserer Menschwerdung.

Picknick mit den Paschas

Picknick mit den Paschas

Aleppo und die levantinische Handelsfirma Fratelli Poche (1853-1880)

  • Author: Mafalda Ade
  • Publisher: N.A
  • ISBN: 9783899139631
  • Category: Aleppo (Syria)
  • Page: 261
  • View: 3220
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Die Gülen Bewegung

Die Gülen Bewegung

Was sie ist, was sie will

  • Author: Ercan Karakoyun
  • Publisher: Verlag Herder GmbH
  • ISBN: 345181322X
  • Category: Political Science
  • Page: 256
  • View: 6601
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Ercan Karakoyun liefert in seiner aktualisierten und erweiterten Neuausgabe einen spannenden Insider-Bericht. Er beschreibt, was die Gülen-Bewegung, auch Hizmet genannt, wirklich will: Aufstieg durch Bildung, die Orientierung an den Prinzipien der Demokratie und einen menschlichen Islam. Eindrücklich berichtet Karakoyun auch darüber, wie die Gülen-Anhänger in Deutschland, darunter Ärzte, Unternehmer und Restaurantbesitzer, Boykottaufrufen, Anfeindungen und sogar Todesdrohungen durch das Erdogan-Regime ausgesetzt sind.

Interkulturelle Theologie

Interkulturelle Theologie

  • Author: Cilliers Breytenbach
  • Publisher: N.A
  • ISBN: 9783374041916
  • Category: Christianity and culture
  • Page: 208
  • View: 1155
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Die Berliner Theologische Zeitschrift (BThZ) informiert uber gegenwartige theologische Entwicklungen, stellt sich aktuellen Fragen zur Situation der Kirche und der Gesellschaft und bietet ein Forum fur das Gesprach uber neue Einsichten und Forschungsresultate. Sie ist uber ihre Bedeutung fur das Profil der Theologie in Deutschland hinaus fur die theologische Fortbildung von Pfarrerinnen und Pfarrern, Religionspadagoginnen und Religionspadagogen ausserordentlich geeignet und wendet sich an alle theologisch Interessierten. Die Hefte haben entweder einen thematischen Schwerpunkt (z.B. Kirche, Asthetik, Theodizee) oder sind einer einzelnen theologischen Disziplin gewidmet (z. B. Altes Testament, Neues Testament, Kirchengeschichte, Systematische Theologie, Praktische Theologie, Religionswissenschaft).

Patrioten und Kosmopoliten

Patrioten und Kosmopoliten

Juden im Sowjetstaat 1941-1953

  • Author: Frank Grüner
  • Publisher: Böhlau Verlag Köln Weimar
  • ISBN: 9783412146061
  • Category: Jews
  • Page: 559
  • View: 4793
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GRIT - Die neue Formel zum Erfolg

GRIT - Die neue Formel zum Erfolg

Mit Begeisterung und Ausdauer ans Ziel

  • Author: Angela Duckworth
  • Publisher: C. Bertelsmann Verlag
  • ISBN: 3641173558
  • Category: Business & Economics
  • Page: 480
  • View: 4398
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Die neue Formel zum Erfolg: Leidenschaft Ausdauer und Zuversicht Eine Mischung aus Ausdauer und Leidenschaft, nicht IQ, Startbedingungen oder Talent entscheidet über den Erfolg eines Menschen. Diese These hat die Neurowissenschaftlerin und Psychologin Angela Duckworth in dem Wort GRIT zusammengefasst, das im Englischen so viel wie Biss oder Mumm heißt, und hat damit weltweit Aufsehen erregt. Auf Basis ihrer eigenen Geschichte, von wissenschaftlichen Erkenntnissen und anhand ungewöhnlicher Leistungsbiografien ist sie dem Geheimnis von erfolgreichen Menschen auf den Grund gegangen, seien sie Sportler, Bankmanager oder Comiczeichner. Sie weist nach, dass nicht "Genie", sondern eine einzigartige Kombination aus Begeisterungsfähigkeit und langfristigem Durchhaltevermögen darüber entscheidet, ob man seine Ziele erreicht. Mit zahlreichen Beispielen, die jeder auf seine Situation anwenden kann, erläutert Angela Duckworth das Konzept der motivierten Beharrlichkeit. Und sie fordert dazu auf, im Wissen um GRIT Lernen und Bildung neu zu denken.

Das längste Jahrhundert des Osmanischen Reichs

Das längste Jahrhundert des Osmanischen Reichs

  • Author: Ilber Ortayli
  • Publisher: N.A
  • ISBN: 9783935535359
  • Category:
  • Page: 400
  • View: 2654
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Hafez, Populismus

Hafez, Populismus

  • Author: Farid Hafez
  • Publisher: Springer-Verlag
  • ISBN: 9783531171524
  • Category: Political Science
  • Page: 212
  • View: 9661
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Israel ist umgezogen

Israel ist umgezogen

  • Author: Diana Pinto
  • Publisher: Suhrkamp Verlag
  • ISBN: 3633730583
  • Category: Political Science
  • Page: 238
  • View: 8926
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Israel ist umgezogen – weg von den feindseligen Nachbarn und dem alten, vergeblichen Traum eines säkularen Zionismus, hin zu einem Land der boomenden High-Tech-Industrie, das in der archaischen Vergangenheit seine Zukunft neu entwirft, weltläufig, ethnisch abgeschottet und geprägt von der politischen Agenda der Religiösen. Dana Pinto zeigt Israel auf dem Weg in einen autistischen Ultramodernismus, der die Probleme des jüdischen Staates zu lösen versucht, indem er sie überspringt. »Israel ist umgezogen« ist ein kritisches Buch über Israel, entstanden aus Liebe zu einem Land, das sich dringend fragen muß, wohin die Reise geht. Die Beziehungen zu den alten Partnern in Europa und den USA verlieren mehr und mehr an Gewicht, und weder die Erinnerung an die Shoah noch der traditionelle zionistische Gründungskonsens sind länger Eckpfeiler des israelischen Selbstverständnisses. Die eigene Zukunft sieht das Land eher in der boomenden Hightech-Industrie mit starker Orientierung an China und in der Wiederverwurzelung in einer archaischen Vergangenheit – dank des Internets weltläufig und entgrenzt, zugleich ethnisch abgeschottet und politisch geprägt von den Vorstellungen der Nationalreligiösen und Ultraorthodoxen. In Form eines Reiseberichtes legt Dana Pinto das konzise Porträt eines Landes im Umbruch vor. In Gesprächen mit säkularen und orthodoxen, jüdischen und arabischen Israelis und in Beobachtungen, in denen sie die kleinsten Alltagsszenen gekonnt mit den Mitteln des engagierten Essays darstellt, gelingt es der Autorin zugleich, Hoffnung zu wecken für eine Zukunft jenseits der Gewalt.

Neuropsychodynamische Psychiatrie

Neuropsychodynamische Psychiatrie

  • Author: Heinz Böker,Peter Hartwich,Georg Northoff
  • Publisher: Springer-Verlag
  • ISBN: 3662477653
  • Category: Medical
  • Page: 560
  • View: 7509
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Ist die Psyche nichts als die neuronalen Prozesse im Gehirn? Müssen zentrale mentale Begriffe wie Selbst, Bewusstsein, Unbewusstsein, etc. durch neuronale Mechanismen erklärt werden und die Psychiatrie durch die Neurowissenschaften ersetzt werden? Unser Buch zeigt auf, dass mentale Prozesse und psychische Symptome bei psychiatrischen Erkrankungen wie Schizophrenie, Depression, etc. weder reine geistige noch nur neuronale Prozesse sind. Gehirn ist immer auch schon Umwelt; und es ist die Interaktion der Umwelt-Gehirn-Beziehung, in der psychische Phänomene inklusive ihrer Abnormitäten ihren neuropsychodynamischen Ursprung haben. Der Inhalt Neuropsychodynamische Grundlagen Neurosoziale Auffassung des Gehirns Psychoanalytische Konzepte und deren Weiterentwicklung Neuropsychodynamik psychischer Störungen Therapie auf neuropsychodynamischer Grundlage Neurosoziale und neuropsychodynamische Zukunftsperspektiven Die Herausgeber Prof. Dr. Heinz Böker, Psychiatrische Universitätsklinik Zürich, Zentrum für Depressionen, Angsterkrankungen und Psychotherapie, Zürich, Schweiz. Prof. Dr. Peter Hartwich, Städtische Kliniken Frankfurt am Main-Höchst, Klinik für Psychiatrie und Psychotherapie/Psychosomatik, Akademisches, Lehrkrankenhaus der Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main, Frankfurt am Main, Deutschland. Prof. Dr. Dr. Georg Northoff, University of Ottawa, Institute of Mental Health Research, Royal Ottawa Mental Health Centre, Ottawa/ON, Canada, Zhejang University, Hangzhou/China, Taipeh Medical University Taipeh/Taiwan.

Der Iran-Konflikt und die Obama-Regierung

Der Iran-Konflikt und die Obama-Regierung

alter Wein in neuen Schläuchen?

  • Author: Ali Fathollah-Nejad
  • Publisher: Universitätsverlag Potsdam
  • ISBN: 3869560428
  • Category:
  • Page: 78
  • View: 4791
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Mit dem Amtsantritt Barack Obamas wurden nach Jahren schwelender Kriegsgefahr mit dem Iran große Hoffnungen verbunden. Das Papier analysiert die der US-Regierung vorgelegten Iran-Strategiepapiere im Hinblick auf eine Lösung im Iran-Konflikt. Das Spektrum der angedachten Politik reicht von Scheindiplomatie zur Kriegslegitimation bis hin zu selektiver Annäherung. Zum Schluss wird der Frage nachgegangen, inwieweit tatsächlich eine Wende in der Iran-Politik Obamas zu erwarten ist.

Okzidentalismus

Okzidentalismus

Der Westen in den Augen seiner Feinde

  • Author: Ian Buruma,Avishai Margalit
  • Publisher: Carl Hanser Verlag GmbH Co KG
  • ISBN: 3446249702
  • Category: Political Science
  • Page: 160
  • View: 9624
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Buruma und Margalit definieren "Okzidentalismus" als den blinden Hass gegen die Errungenschaften liberaler Gesellschaften, für dessen Motive manch westliche Intellektuelle bis heute Sympathie empfinden. Die Vorurteile gegen den Westen, der unter der Diktatur des Geldes steht und scheinbar jegliche verbindliche Moral seiner Diesseitigkeit geopfert hat, reichen bis nach Europa. Ian Buruma und Avishai Margalit finden hier ähnliche Denkweisen wie in der islamischen Welt, bei konservativen Kulturkritikern ebenso wie bei der radikalen Linken. Ein provokatives Buch, in bester aufklärerischer Tradition.

Staatliche Theorie des Geldes

Staatliche Theorie des Geldes

  • Author: Georg Friedrich Knapp
  • Publisher: BoD – Books on Demand
  • ISBN: 3863831810
  • Category: Business & Economics
  • Page: 408
  • View: 8502
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Nachdruck des Originals von 1905.

Psychologie der Intelligenz

Psychologie der Intelligenz

  • Author: Jean Piaget
  • Publisher: Klett-Cotta
  • ISBN: 9783608940145
  • Category:
  • Page: 196
  • View: 2914
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